Hainan vs Hong Kong - SOAS China Institute

//Hainan vs Hong Kong

Hainan vs Hong Kong: Five Challenges for China’s New Free Trade Port

High-angle architectural scenery of Haikou International Trade CBD and Binhai Overpass, Hainan, China. – Image © Govan / Adobe Stock

By Xiaoyang Zhang | 01 October 2025

On 18 December 2025, China plans to formally launch the Hainan Free Trade Port (FTP), ending its trial phase. From that date, Hainan will operate with an independent customs regime, separate from mainland China’s system. Beijing has billed the FTP as nothing less than a potential rival to Hong Kong—a flagship experiment in “opening up” that aims to showcase China’s ambition to build a world-class free trade hub under Party-state control.

 

Hainan, China’s southernmost province, covers about 35,400 square kilometres with a coastline of 1,823 km. Hainan is slightly smaller than Taiwan, but it is the largest island under PRC administration, separated from Guangdong by the Qiongzhou Strait. Its location also matters: Hainan sits at the northern edge of the South China Sea, a body of water at the centre of maritime disputes with ASEAN neighbours including Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei and the Philippines. Geography thus places the FTP not only at the crossroads of Southeast Asia but also in the middle of sensitive regional politics.

 

China has created numerous free trade zones in recent years, but the Hainan FTP is presented as different: the country’s largest experimental free trade area, and the only one designated as a “free trade port”. The Law on the Hainan Free Trade Port, passed in 2021, provides the legal framework, though many of its provisions remain vague.

 

Why Hong Kong is the Benchmark

 

Hong Kong remains China’s only international financial centre, underpinned by a convertible currency, common law system, and strong global reputation. Hainan, by contrast, has none of these. The question is whether Beijing can construct an alternative hub that attracts global business while remaining firmly under Party-state oversight—perhaps even realising its dream of a (cosmopolitan paradise) that blends international openness with domestic political control.

 

Legal System

 

Hong Kong’s common law framework, with its tradition of judicial independence, gives investors confidence that contracts will be enforced fairly. This has long been central to Hong Kong’s role as an international business hub. Hainan, however, will operate under China’s civil law system, where political directives can outweigh commercial logic. This gap in legal culture is not easily bridged, and without reforms, Hainan risks being seen as another special zone subject to the same uncertainties as the mainland.

 

Financial System

 

Hong Kong’s Linked Exchange Rate System, pegging the Hong Kong dollar to the US dollar, has provided stability for decades and underpins the city’s role as a global financial centre. The renminbi, meanwhile, is not freely convertible, and restrictions on capital flows are likely to remain in place in Hainan. Even if Beijing allows limited exceptions, international investors will compare Hainan’s financial regime to Hong Kong’s tested system and find it less reassuring. The ability to move capital in and out without interference is a cornerstone of trust—something Hainan has yet to demonstrate.

 

Taxation

 

Hong Kong has long promoted itself as a low-tax, simple-tax jurisdiction. Its streamlined system has been central to its competitiveness. Hainan offers duty-free shopping, zero tariffs on certain goods, and the possibility of preferential corporate and individual income tax rates. Yet these incentives may be difficult to sustain, especially given Hainan’s smaller economic base and reliance on central subsidies. If generous tax breaks are introduced but later withdrawn, investor confidence could quickly evaporate.

 

Market Access and Openness

 

Hong Kong’s business environment is shaped by openness: nearly all sectors are accessible, and there is no government “negative list” barring foreign entry. Hainan, however, remains bound by the national negative list, which limits participation in sectors such as telecommunications, media and education. Foreign businesses and residents will also face restrictions on information access—Google, Twitter, and most foreign news outlets remain blocked in China. Although the Hainan FTP law suggests some relaxation in data flows, the scope is undefined. Until concrete measures are visible, the promise of openness will remain only partial.

 

Governance and Policy Certainty

 

Investors prize predictability. Hong Kong, despite its political turbulence, still offers a clear set of rules and institutions. Hainan’s future will depend on how much autonomy Beijing is willing to grant the local authorities. The 2021 law empowers Hainan to issue its own regulations, but in practice this autonomy is likely to be limited by central oversight. If policies shift suddenly—or if political priorities override commercial considerations—confidence in Hainan’s FTP could falter.

 

Between Ambition and Reality

 

If successful, Hainan could become a significant trade and tourism hub, benefiting from lower land costs than Hong Kong and its proximity to Southeast Asia. Its location in the South China Sea gives it strategic importance, both economically and geopolitically. Yet without systemic reforms in law, finance, taxation, and openness, it is unlikely to rival Hong Kong any time soon.

 

For now, the Hainan Free Trade Port should be seen as an ambitious experiment in controlled liberalisation. It may one day complement Hong Kong, but replacing it as China’s premier international hub remains more aspiration than reality.

Xiaoyang Zhang is a Professor at the School of Law, Beijing Foreign Studies University. His research focuses on international economic law, trade policy, and comparative legal systems.

 

The views expressed on this blog are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.

SHARE THIS POST